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ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT AT 
KEOKUK, IOWA ^ ^ OCTOBER 1, 1907 



WASHINGTON 

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 

1907 



srl. 



"ffi 



ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT AT ^4 
KEOKUK, IOWA ^ ^ OCTOBER 1, 1907 - 7 



i^TYi 



WASHINGTON 

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 

1907 



J?is 



eCT 24 1907 

U. or D. 



Men and Women of Iowa: 

I am glad indeed to see you and to 
speak to you in this thriving city of your 
great and prosperous State. I believe 
with all my heart in the people of Iowa, for 
I think that you are good, typical Ameri- 
cans, and that among you there has been 
developed to a very high degree that body 

(3) 



4 
of characteristics which we like to regard 

as distinctively American. 

During the last few years we of the 

United States have been forced to consider 

very seriously certain economic problems. 

We have made a beginning in the attempt 

to deal with the relations of the National 

Government — that is, with the relations of 

the people of the country — to the huge and 

wealthy corporations, controlled for the 

most part by a few very rich men, which 

are engaged in interstate business — espe- 



5 

cially the great railway corporations. 

You know my views on this matter. You 
know that I believe that the National Gov- 
ernment, in the interests of the people, 
should assume much the same supervision 
and control over the management of the 
interstate common carriers that it now 
exercises over the national banks. You 
know furthermore that I believe that this 
supervision and control should be exer- 
cised in a spirit of rigid fairness toward 
the corporations, exacting justice from 

B — 2 



6 

them on behalf of the people but giving 

them justice in return. 

Recently I have been reading the work 
of the eminent Italian scholar Ferrero on 
the history of the Roman Republic, when 
the life of the Roman state had become 
that of a complex and luxurious industrial 
civilization. I am happy to say that the 
differences between that civilization and 
our own are more striking than the resem- 
blances; and there is no warrant for our 
being drawn into any pessimistic com- 



7 
parison between the two civilizations. But 

there is every reason why we should study 
carefully the past in order to draw from it 
lessons for use in the present One of the 
most striking features of the years which 
saw the downfall of the Roman Republic 
w^as the fact that the political life of Rome 
became split between two camps, one con- 
taining the rich who wished to exploit the 
poor, and the other the poor who wished 
to plunder the rich. Naturally, under 
such circumstances, the public man who 



8 
was for the moment successful tended to 

be either a violent reactionary or a violent 
demagogue. Any such condition of polit- 
ical life is as hopelessly unhealthy now as it 
was then. I believe so implicitly in the 
future of our people, because I believe 
that the average American citizen will no 
more tolerate government by a mob than 
he will tolerate government by a plutoc- 
racy; that he desires to see justice done 
to and justice exacted from rich man and 
poor man alike. We are not trying to 



9 
favor any man at the expense of his fellows. 

We are tr^ang to shape things so that as 

far as possible each man shall have a fair 

chance in life ; so that he shall have, so 

far as by law this can be accomplished, the 

chance to show the stuff that there is in 

him. We have no intention of trying to 

work for the impossible and undesirable 

end of giving to the lazy, tlie thriftless, 

the weak, and the vicious, the reward that 

belongs to, and in the long run can only 

come to, the hard working, the thrifty, the 

B — 3 



lO 

resolute, and the honest But we do wish 
to see that the necessary struggle in life 
shall be carried on under genuinely dem- 
ocratic conditions ; that, so far as human 
action can safely provide it, there shall be 
an approximately fair start; that there 
shall be no oppression of the weak, and 
that no man shall be permitted to acquire 
or to use a vast fortune by methods or in 
ways that are tortuous and dishonest. 

Therefore we need wise laws, and we 
need to have them resolutely administered. 



1 1 
We can get such laws and such adminis- 
tration only if the people are alive to their 
interests. The other day I listened to an 
admirable sermon by Bishop Johnston, of 
western Texas. His theme was that the 
vital element in judging any man should 
be his conduct, and neither his position 
nor his pretensions; and, furthermore, that 
freedom could only stay with a people 
which has the habit of self-mastery. As he 
said, the price of liberty is not only eternal 
vio^ilance,but eternal virtue; and I may add, 



12 

eternal common sense. Each man here 
knows that he himself has been able to use 
his freedom to advantage only provided 
that he could master himself, that he could 
control his own passions and direct his 
own faculties. Each of you fathers and 
mothers here knows that if your sons are to 
do well in the world they must know how 
to master themselves. Every man must 
have a master; if he is not his own master, 
then somebody else will be. This is just 
as true of public life as of private life. If 



13 

we can not master ourselves, control our- 
selves, then sooner or later we shall have 
to submit to outside control; for there 
must be control somewhere. 

One way of exercising such control is 
through the laws of the land. Ours is a 
government of liberty, but it is a govern- 
ment of that orderly liberty which comes by 
and through the honest enforcement of and 
obedience to the law. At intervals dur- 
ing the last few months the appeal has been 
made to me not to enforce the law agamst 

B 4 



H 

certain wrongdoers of great wealth be- 
cause to do so would interfere with the 
business prosperity of the country. Under 



the effects of that kind of fright which when 



sufficiently acute we call panic, this appeal 
has been made to me even by men who 
ordinarily behave as decent citizens. One 
newspaper which has itself strongly ad- 
vanced this view gave prominence to the 
statement of a certain man of great wealth 
to the effect that the so-called financial 
weakness "was due entirely to the ad- 



15 

mitted intention of President Roosevelt to 

punish the large moneyed interests which 
had transgressed the laws." I do not 
admit that this has been the main cause of 
any business troubles we have had; but it 
is possible that it has been a contributory 
cause. If so, friends, as far as I am con- 
cerned it must be accepted as a disagree- 
able but unavoidable feature in a course of 
policy which as long as I am President 
will not be changed. In any great move- 
ment for righteousness, where the forces of 



i6 

evil are strongly intrenched, it is unfor- 
tunately inevitable that some unoffending 
people should suffer in company with the 
real offenders. This is not our fault. 
It is the fault of those to whose deceptive 
action these innocent people owe their false 
position. A year or two ago certain repre- 
sentatives of labor called upon me and in the 
course of a very pleasant conversation told 
me that they regarded me as "the friend 
of labor." I answered that I certainly 
was, and that I would do everything in my 



17 
power for the laboring man except any- 



thing that was wrong. I have the same 



answer to make to the business man. I 
will do everything I can do to help 
business conditions, except anything that 
is wrong. And it would be not merely 
wrong but infamous to fail to do all that can 
be done to secure the punishment of those 
wrongdoers whose deeds are peculiarly 
reprehensible because they are not com- 
mitted under the stress of want. When- 
ever a serious effort is made to cut out 

B — 5 



i8 

what is evil in our political life, whether 

the effort takes the shape of warring 
against the gross and sordid forms of evil 
in some municipality, or whether it takes 
the shape of trying to secure the honest 
enforcement of the law as against very 
powerful and wealthy people, there are 
sure to be certain individuals who demand 
that the movement stop because it may 
hurt business. In each case the answer 
must be that we earnestly hope and believe 
that there will be no permanent damage to 



19 
business from the movement, but that if 

righteousness conflicts with the fancied 
needs of business, then the latter must 
go to the wall. We can not afford to sub- 
stitute any other test for that of guilt or 
innocence, of wrongdoing or welldoing, 
in judging any man. If a man does well, 
if he acts honestly, he has nothing to fear 
from this Administration. But so far as in 
me lies the corrupt politician, great or 
small, the private citizen who transgresses 
the law — be he rich or poor — shall be 



20 

brought before the impartial justice of a 
court. Perhaps I am most anxious to get 
at the politician who is corrupt, because he 
betrays a great trust ; but assuredly I shall 
not spare his brother corruptionist who 
shows himself a swindler in business life; 
and, according to our power, crimes of 
fraud and cunning shall be prosecuted as 
relentlessly as crimes of brutality and 
physical violence. 

We need good laws and we need 
above all things the hearty aid of good 



21 

citizens in supporting and enforcing the 
laws. Nevertheless, men and women of 
this great State, men and women of the 
Middle West, never forget that law and the 
administration of law, important though 
they are, must always occupy a wholly 
secondary place as compared with the char- 
acter of the average citizen himself. On 
this trip I shall speak to audiences in each 
of w^hich there will be many men who 
fought in the civil war. You who wore 
the blue and your brothers of the South 

B 6 



22 

who wore the gray know that in war no 
general no matter how good, no organiza- 
tion no matter how perfect, can avail if the 



average man in the ranks has not got the 



fighting edge. We need the organization, 
the preparation ; we need the good general ; 



but we need most the fighting edge in the 



individual soldier. So it is in private life. 
We live in a rough, workaday world, and 
we are yet a long way from the millen- 
nium. We can not as a nation and we can 
not as individuals afford to cultivate only 



23 

the gentler, softer qualities. There must be 
gentleness and tenderness — the strongest 
men are gentle and tender — but there 
must also be courage and strength. I 
have a hearty sympathy with those who 
believe in doing all that can be done for 
peace ; but I have no sympathy at all with 
those who believe that in the world as it 
now is we can afford to see the average 
American citizen lose the qualities that in 
their sum make up a good fighting man. 
You men must be workers who work with 



24 

all your heart and strength and mind at 
your several tasks in life; and you must 
also be able to fight at need. You women 
have even higher and more difficult duties ; 
for I honor no man, not even the soldier 
who fights for righteousness, quite as much 
as I honor the good woman who does her 
full duty as wife and mother. But if she 
shirks her duty as wife and mother then 
she stands on a par with the man who 
refuses to work for himself and his family, 
for those dependent upon him, and who in 



25 

time of the nation's need refuses to fight. 
The man or woman who shirks his or her 
duty occupies a contemptible position. 
You here are the sons and daughters of 
the pioneers. I preach to you no life of 
ease. I preach to you the life of effort, the 



life that finds its highest satisfaction in 



doing well some work that is well worth 
doing. 

So much for what concerns every man 
and every woman in this country. Now, 
a word or two as to matters which are of 

B 7 



26 

peculiar interest to this region of our 
country. 

Since I have been President I have 
traveled in every State of this Union, but 
my traveling has been almost entirely on 
railroads, save now and then by wagon or 
on horseback. Now I have the chance 
to try traveling by river ; to go down the 
greatest of our rivers, the Father of 
Waters. A good many years ago when I 
lived in the Northwest I traveled occasion- 
ally on the Upper Missouri and its tribu- 



27 

taries ; but then we went in a flatboat and 
did our own rowing and paddling and pol- 
ing. Now I am to try a steamboat. I am a 
great believer in our railway system ; and 
the fact that I am very firm in my belief 
as to the necessity of the Government 
exercising a proper supervision and control 
over the railroads does not in the least inter- 
fere with the other fact that I greatly admire 
the large majority of the men in all posi- 
tions, from the top to the bottom, who build 
and run them. Yet, while of course I am 



28 

anxious to see these men, and therefore 
the corporations they represent or serve, 
achieve the fullest measure of legitimate 
prosperity, nevertheless as this country 
grows I feel that we can not have too 
many highroads, and that in addition to 
the iron highroads of our railway system 
we should also utilize the great river high- 
ways which have been given us by nature. 
From a variety of causes these highways 
have in many parts of the country been 
almost abandoned. This is not healthy. 



29 

Our people, and especially the representa- 
tives of the people in the National Con- 
gress, should give their most careful 
attention to this subject. We should be 
prepared to put the nation collectively back 
of the movement to improve them for the 
nation's use. Our knowledge at this time 
is not such as to permit me to go into 
details, or to say definitely just what the 
nation should do ; but most assuredly our 
great navigable rivers are national assets 
just as much as our great seacoast harbors. 

B 8 



30 

Exactly as it is for the interest of all the 

country that our great harbors should be 
fitted to receive in safety the largest vessels 
of the merchant fleets of the world, so 
by deepening and otherwise our rivers 
should be fitted to bear their part in the 
movement of our merchandise ; and this is 
especially true of the Mississippi and its 
tributaries, which drain the immense and 
prosperous region which makes in very fact 
the heart of our nation ; the basin of the 
Great Lakes being already united with the 



31 

basin of the Mississippi, and both regions 

being identical in their products and in- 
terests. Waterways are peculiarly fitted 
for the transportation of the bulky com- 
modities which come from the soil or 
under the soil ; and no other part of our 
country is as fruitful as is this in such 
commodities. 

You in Iowa have many manufacturing 
centers, but you remain, and I hope you 
will always remain, a great agricultural 
State. I hope that the means of transport- 



32 

ing your commodities to market will be 
steadily improved ; but this will be of no 
use unless you keep producing the commod- 
ities, and in the long run this will largely 
depend upon your being able to keep on 
the farm a high type of citizenship. The 
effort must be to make farm life not only 
remunerative but attractive, so that the best 
young men and girls will feel inclined to 
stay on the farm and not to go to the city. 
Nothing is more important to this country 
than the perpetuation of our system of 



33 

medium-sized farms worked by their 

owners. We do not want to see our 
farmers sink to the condition of the peasants 
of the Old World, barely able to live on their 
small holdings, nor do we want to see their 
places taken by wealthy men owning 
enormous estates which they work purely 
by tenants and hired servants. 

At present the ordinary farmer holds 
his own in the land as against any possi- 
ble representative of the landlord class of 
farmer — that is, of the men who would 



34 
own vast estates — because the ordinary 

farmer unites his capital, his labor, and his 
brains with the making of a permanent 
family home, and thus can afford to hold 
his land at a value at which it can not be 
held by the capitalist, who would have to 
run it by leasing it or by cultivating it at 
arm's length with hired labor. In other 
words, the typical American farmer of to- 
day gets his remuneration in part in the 
shape of an independent home for his 
family, and this gives him an advantage 



35 

over an absentee landlord. Now, from 

the standpoint of the nation as a whole it 
is preeminently desirable to keep as one 
of our chief American types the farmer, the 
farm home maker, of the medium-sized 
farm. This type of farm home is one of 
our strongest political and social bulwarks. 
Such a farm worked by the owner has 
proved by experience the best place in 
which to breed vigorous leaders alike 
for country and city. It is a matter 
of prime economic and civic importance 



36 

to encourage this type of home-owning 

farmer. 

Therefore, we should strive in every 
way to aid in the education of the farmer 
for the farm, and should shape our school 
system with this end in view; and so 
vitally important is this that, in my opin- 
ion, the Federal Government should co- 
operate with the State governments to 
secure the needed change and improve- 
ment in our schools. It is significant that 
both from Minnesota and Georgia there 



37 

have come proposals in this direction in 

the appearance of bills introduced into the 
National Congress. The Congressional 
land grant act of 1852 accomplished much 
in establishing the agricultural colleges in 
the several States, and therefore in pre- 
paring to turn the system of educational 
training for the young into channels at 
once broader and more practicable — and 
what I am saying about agricultural train- 
ing really applies to all industrial training. 
But the colleges can not reach the masses, 



38 

and it is essential that the masses should 

be reached. Such agricultural high 
schools as those in Minnesota and Ne- 
braska for farm boys and girls, such tech- 
nical high schools as are to be found, for 
instance, in both St. Louis and Washing- 
ton, have by their success shown that it is 
entirely feasible to carry in practical fash- 
ion the fundamentals of industrial training 
into the realms of our secondary schools. 
At present there is a gap between our 
primary schools in country and city and 



39 

the industrial collegiate courses, which 

must be closed, and if necessary the 
Nation must help the State to close it. 
Too often our present schools tend to put 
altogether too great a premium upon mere 
literary education, and therefore to train 
away from the farm and the shop. 

We should reverse this process. Spe- 
cific training of a practical kind should be 
given to the boys and girls who when 
men and women are to make up the back- 
bone of this nation by working in agricul- 



40 
ture, in the mechanical industries, in arts 

and trades; in short, who are to do the duty 
that should always come first with all of 
us, the duty of home-making and home- 
keeping. Too narrow a literary education 
is, for most men and women, not a real 
education at all ; for a real education 
should fit people primarily for the indus- 
trial and home-making employments in 
which they must employ the bulk of their 
activities. Our country offers unparal- 
leled opportunities for domestic and social 



41 

advancement, for social and economic 

leadership in the world. Our greatest 
national asset is to be found in the chil- 
dren. They need to be trained to high 
ideals of everyday living, and to high 
efficiency in their respective vocations ; we 
can not afford to have them trained other- 
wise, and the nation should help the 
States to achieve this end. 

Now, men of Iowa, I want to say just 
a word on a matter that concerns not the 
States of the Mississippi Valley itself, but 



42 

the States west of them, the States of the 
Great Plains and the Rocky Mountains. 
Unfortunately, I am not able on this present 
trip to visit those States, or I should speak 
to their own people on the point to which 
I now intend to allude ; but after all any- 
thing that affects a considerable number of 
Americans who live under one set of con- 
ditions, must be of moment to all other 
Americans, for never forget, friends, that 
in the long run we shall all go up or go 
down together. 



43 
The States of the high plains and of 

the mountains have a pecuHar claim upon 
me, because for a number of years I lived 
and worked in them, and I have that inti- 
mate knowledge of their people that comes 
under such conditions. In those States 
there is need of a modification of the land 
laws that have worked so well in the well- 
watered fertile regions to the eastward, 
such as those in which you here dwell. 
The one object in all our land laws should 
always be to favor the actual settler, the 



44 

actual home maker, who comes to dwell on 

the land and there to bring up his children 
to inherit it after him. The Government 
should part with its title to the land only 
to the actual home-maker — not to the 
profit-maker, who does not care to make 
a home. The land should be sold out- 
right only in quantities sufficient for decent 



homes — not in huge areas to be held for 



speculative purposes or used as ranches, 
where those who do the actual work are 
merely tenants or hired hands. No tem- 



45 
porary prosperity of any class of men could 

in the slightest degree atone for failure on 
our part to shape the laws so that they may 
work for the permanent good of the home- 
maker. This is fundamental, gentlemen, 
and is simply carrying out the idea upon 
which I dwell in speaking to you of your 
own farms here in Iowa. Now in many 
States where the rainfall is light it is a 
simple absurdity to expect any man to 
live, still less to bring up a family, on one 
hundred and sixty acres. Where we are 



46 

able to introduce irrigation, the homestead 

can be very much less in size — can, for 
instance, be forty acres ; and there is noth- 
ing that Congress has done during the 
past six years more important than the 
enactment of the national irrigation law. 
But where irrigation is not applicable and 
the land can only be used for grazing, it 
may be that you can not run more than 
one steer to ten acres, and it is not neces- 
sary to be much of a mathematician in 
order to see that where such is the case a 



47 
homestead of one hundred and sixty acres 

will not go far toward the support of a 
family. In consequence of this fact, home- 
steaders do not take up the lands in the 
tracts in question. They are left open for 
anybody to graze upon that wishes to. The 
result is that the men who use them moder- 
ately and not with a view to exhaustingtheir 
resources are at the mercy of those who 
care nothing for the future and simply 
intend to skin the land in the present. 
For instance, the small sheep farmer who 



48 

has a home and who wishes that home to 

pass on to his children improved in value 
will naturally run his flock so that the 
land will support it, not only to-day, 
but ten years hence; but a big absentee 
sheep owner, who has no home on the 
land at all, but simply owns huge migra- 
tory flocks of sheep, may well find it to 
his profit to drive them over the small 
sheep farmer s range and eat it all out. 
He can then drive his flocks on, whereas 
the small man can not. Of course, to per- 



49 

mit such a state of things is not only evil 

for the small man, but is destructive of 
the best interests of the country. Sub- 
stantially the same conditions obtain as 
reg^ards cattle. The custom has therefore 
grown up of fencing great tracts of Gov- 
ernment land without warrant of law. 
The men who fenced this land were 
sometimes rich men, who, by fencing it, 
kept out actual settlers and thereby 
worked evil to the country. But in many 
cases, whether they were large men or 



50 
small men, their object was not to keep 

out actual settlers, but to protect them- 
selves and their own industry by prevent- 
ing overgrazing of the range on the part 
of reckless stock owners who had no 
place in the permanent development of 
the country and who were indifferent to 
everything except the profits of the mo- 
ment. To permit the continuance of this 
illegal fencing inevitably tended to very 
grave abuses, and the Government has 
therefore forced the fencers to take down 



51 

their fences. In doing this we have not 

only obeyed and enforced the law, but we 
have corrected many flagrant abuses. 
Nevertheless, we have also caused hard- 
ship, which, though unavoidable, I was 
exceedingly unwilling to cause. In some 
way or other we must provide for the 
use of the public range under conditions 
which shall inure primarily to the benefit 
of the actual settlers on or near it, and 
which shall prevent its being wasted. 
This means that in some shape or way 



52 

the fencing of pasture land must be 
permitted under restrictions which will 
safeguard the rights of the actual settlers. 
I desire to act as these actual settlers wish 
to have me in this matter. I wish to find 
out their needs and desires and then to try 
to put them into effect. But they must take 
trouble, must look ahead to their own ulti- 
mate and real good, must insist upon being 
really represented by their public men, if 
we are to have a good result. A little 
while ago I received a very manly and sen- 



53 

sible letter from one of the prominent mem- 
bers of the Laramie County, Wyo., Cattle 
and Horse Growers' Association. My cor- 
respondent remarked incidentally in his 
letter, "I am a small ranchman, and have 
to plow and pitch hay myself," and then 
went on to say that the great majority of 
their people had complied with the gov- 
ernmental order, had removed their fences 
and sold their cattle, but that they must 
get some kind of a lease law which 
would permit them to graze their stock 



54 

under proper conditions or else it would 

be ruinous to them to continue in 
the business. The thing I have most at 
heart as regards this subject is to do what- 
ever will be of permanent benefit to just 
exactly the people for whom this corre- 
spondent of mine spoke — the small ranch- 
men who have to plow and pitch hay them- 
selves. All I want to do is to find out what 
will be to their real benefit, for that is cer- 
tain to be to the benefit of the country as a 
whole. It may be that we can secure their 



55 
interests best by permitting all homesteaders 

in the dry country to inclose, individually or 
a certain number of them together, big tracts 
of range for summer use, the tracts being 
proportioned to the number of neighbor- 
ing homesteaders who wish to run their 
cattle upon it. It may be that parts of the 
range will only be valuable for companies 
that can lease it and put large herds on it; 
for the way properly to develop a region 
is to put it to those uses to which it is best 
adapted. The amount to be paid for the 



56 

leasing privilege is to me a matter of com- 
parative indifference. The Government 
does not wish to make money out of the 
range, but simply to provide for the neces- 
sary supervision that will prevent its being 
eaten out or exhausted; that is, that will 
secure it undamaged as an asset for the 
next generation, for the children of the 
present home makers. Of course we must 
also provide enough to pay the proper 
share of the county taxes. I am not 
wedded to any one plan, and I am 



57 
willing to combine several plans if 

necessary. But the present system is 
wrong, and I hope to see, in all the 
States of the Great Plains and the 
Rockies, the men like my correspondent 
of the Laramie County Cattle and Horse 
Growers' Association, the small ranchmen 
"who plow and pitch hay themselves," 
seriously take up this matter and make 
their representatives in Congress under- 
stand that there must be some solution, and 
that this solution shall be one which will 



58 
secure the greatest permanent well-being 

to the actual settlers, the actual home 

makers. I promise with all the strength 

I have to cooperate toward this end. 



LEFe'06 



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